After ‘La Comisión Total,’ Something Smells Rotten in La Fortaleza

SAN JUAN — It was the much-anticipated pistols-at-dawn between warring factions of the pro-statehood Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP).

The accuser: Senate President Thomas Rivera Schatz, known as “El Tiburón” (The Shark).

In the hot seat: Francisco Domenech, Chief of Staff for the government, right-hand man to Governor Jenniffer González-Colón — and one of the most powerful figures in the Puerto Rican government.

Glued to the live television feed, I was ready for explosive revelations of corruption and conflicts of interest that would spell the end of González-Colón’s government and profoundly wound the PNP. 

But it turned out to be more like the first chapter of an ongoing political saga.  

The showdown unfolded during a parliamentary forum, called “Comisión Total,” and convened by Rivera Schatz. The entire Senate was summoned to directly question Domenech, who is also the executive director of the Puerto Rico Fiscal Agency and Financial Advisory Authority (AAFAF) and had previously served as González-Colón’s campaign manager. It was the first time in Puerto Rican history that a Senate President called a Chief of Staff before such a forum.  

Domenech’s relationship with Politank, a boutique government affairs, lobbying, and legal consulting firm he founded in 2010, was at the heart of the hearing. Politank’s clients have secured or renewed contracts worth over $182.9 million during the current administration — $83 million more than in the prior administration.

I watched as Domenech compared Rivera Schatz with Adolf Hitler. He complained that the forum was a Joseph McCarthy-style witch hunt. It was not against him, he said, but against his boss, González-Colón, by a man who wants to be a king.

Calling your own party Nazis? Labeling yourself a communist? I hadn’t expected this on my Bingo card, I thought.

“Don’t come here to lie or confuse. What we are not going to permit is pillage and corruption,” Rivera Schatz responded to the accusations.

But as the questioning dragged on — nearly seven hours in total — this “clash of titans” proved anticlimactic: little drama, no smoking gun.

There were some surprise moments — such as when Rivera Schatz delivered the first blow by presenting a signed affidavit from former Health Secretary Carlos Mellado. The affidavit alleged that, shortly after the election but before he became Chief of Staff, Domenech tried to intimidate Mellado into reneging on an already awarded Health Department contract, then giving it to a Politank client.

Putting aside the mini-drama and personal insults, the hearing’s true revelation was the depth of corruption within Puerto Rico’s political system, González-Colón’s administration, and the PNP. While many Boricuas were already aware of these issues, the significance lay in the fact that these uncomfortable truths were finally discussed openly, casting serious doubt on the PNP’s ability to govern and win re-election in 2028.

“Politank has never had, nor does it have, contracts with the Puerto Rican government,” Domenech kept on insisting during Rivera Schatz’s questioning. (Indeed, a lobbying firm does not, by default, have a contract with the government because its client does, but when the former owner is now part of the government, it's a different scenario, right?) He stressed that he had severed all ties with the firm on December 31, 2024, upon his appointment to González-Colón’s administration. He added that he sold 100% of his shares for $4 million. Domenech, together with his wife, Verónica Ferraiuoli, was the sole owner of Politank.

Politank’s capital quintupled from $1 million to $5.1 million between 2023 and 2024, according to an annual report cited by the Centro de Periodismo Investigativo. Tax records from 2023 show that Politank had $1.8 million in assets a year before the $4 million sale. 

So, where did the 4 million come from? Who paid you? Rivera Schatz asked. The corporation, Domenech answered. But it's unclear how the corporation managed to pay that out through a stock buyback and remain solvent. Domenech couldn’t, or wouldn‘t, answer.  

He refused to say who currently owns Politank, indicating that Manuel Torres Nieves, the current Politank CEO (who served as Senate Secretary under Rivera Schatz), bought some of its shares. The corporation's Board of Directors bought the rest. When Rivera Schatz pressed him on who these board members were, Domenech stated that they were Torres and him. Domenech is no longer on the board after the sale. 

After the forum, Torres Nieves came out to say that he is the principal owner of Politank. Great timing, no? But we still have no clue who that hand of God was that put up the 4 million to pay Domenech.  

It makes your head hurt, doesn’t it? But wait. It gets better.

Domenech, who has the authority to approve or kill government contracts, claimed that there was a protocol in place to recuse himself from handling government contracts with Politank clients. However, the protocol is not documented, meaning it isn’t written down anywhere, as stipulated by the government’s ethics law. The law states that “every public servant must recuse themselves from participating in any matter in which they, or members of their family unit, have a financial interest or personal benefit."

It’s verbal. And who is it with? His assistant, Ana Delgado, who filters Domenech's contracts. That’s one way to do it, I guess.

After all the anticipation, the response was clear: “esto pica y se extiende,” which means it does not end here. There will be another “Comisión Total,” where Rivera Schatz will probably call Mellado, Delgado, and Torres Nieves to testify, among others, although no date has been set. Furthermore, he warned that some of the issues raised in the forum will be referred to federal and state authorities — which could lead to further investigation — but will that provide the evidence of a network of corruption that Rivera Schatz is looking for? We will have to wait and see.

González-Colón defended Domenech, saying she trusts him. She also said she would refer Mellado’s affidavit to the FBI.

“The guy sold his business, like anyone here would sell a house or a car,” she said. Whatever happens after that is not the responsibility of the previous owner, she added. Interesting logic. 

She can say and do whatever she wants, but the fact is, this confrontation kicks her administration when it's already down. A late-2025 survey by El Nuevo Día found that half of the electorate disapproves of her performance, and 60% believe she has no chance of reelection in 2028.

​And, no matter the outcome, the damage has been done. There is a peculiar odor emanating from La Fortaleza. La “Comisión Total” pulled back the curtain, and we now can see where it's coming from.

A former News Director for Univision Puerto Rico and conflict correspondent, Susanne Ramírez de Arellano is a Columnist for The Latino Newsletter.

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